CLEVELAND, OH – Secretary of State Frank LaRose should ask former Russian-American U.S. Attorney Steve Dettelbach why he had Diebold CEO Walden O’Dell in a position to learn and didn’t investigate if he’d placed the technology to rig electronic voting software and equipment that could control Ohio elections in 46 of 88 counties in the hands of the Russian Federation.
The Securities & Exchange Commission (SEC) initiated an investigation of Diebold in 2005 for violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. A complaint was filed against Diebold in 2010 that the Canton corporation settled in 2014 for $48 million after Dettelbach investigated. Dettelbach was assigned to prosecute and he won.
O’Dell and his crew were caught red-handed paying $1.2 million to Russian government officials so the Canton corporation’s ATM’s could be placed in the Russian Federation’s government and private-owned banks in 2002 and 2003. The Russian government-owned Post Bank awarded Diebold a contract in March 2017 to sell and install 3200 self-service cash recycling systems.
Diebold paid $25 million in civil penalties to the SEC in 2010 for filing 40 false reports to the federal agency. The big lie told to Diebold shareholders by O’Dell and team was that the company earned $127 million more than it did. All the bribe payments were hidden.
Dettelbach knew the Cleveland-based law firm of Jones Day represented Diebold and the Russian Federation through its Gazprom Export LLC. The Canton-to-Moscow corporation was charged with violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act but not the Foreign Agents Registration Act. The northern Ohio U.S. Attorney knew O’Dell was doing business directly with the Russian Federation while promoting Russian interests to help Diebold in the USA.
Dettelbach knew or should have known O’Dell, who frequently traveled to Diebold’s Moscow office, was also selling electronic voting equipment that would end up counting votes in 46 out of 88 Ohio counties. He had knowledge O’Dell and his crew had also bribed Chinese and Indonesian government officials for the same purposes.
Dettelbach also should have known the Russian Federation’s U.S. law firm of Jones Day filed criminal charges against a California whistleblower, Steve Heller, on behalf of Diebold in 2004. Heller provided information to California Secretary of State Kevin Shelley that caused him to decertify the Russian government’s bribe-driven corporate vendor.
What Heller shared was that Cleveland’s Jones Day helped Canton’s Diebold conceal the uncertified software they’d installed in electronic voting equipment that caused thousands of California voters to be unable to vote a few weeks later. Shelley called Diebold and Jones Day’s acts “reprehensible” and “their performance behavior … despicable.” He asked the state’s attorney general, Bill Lockyer, to investigate the Russian Federation’s two U.S. vendors.
Dettelbach knew Diebold was comfortably embedded in Moscow. Its Moscow office is located at 12 Bldg 1 Str Dvintsev Moscow Russia 127018. The building’s image and a walking map is shared so readers can see how little distance exists between Diebold’s offices and the Lubyanka Building that once housed the KGB. The former KGB building now houses the Federal Security Service or FSB directorate office, a prison and Russia’s border patrol. The FSB replaced the KGB in 1991.
Diebold, Jones Day and the Russian Federation also share a Moscow office building with Halliburton, former Vice President Dick Cheyney’s old company.
TNS Russia, as an example, occupies the same building as Diebold. It is a marketing research company that employs 500 full-time personnel and 1000 freelancers to conduct international surveys on behalf of clients. One of the services offered is “triggers and barriers activators” that seek to change difficult minds through social media and advertising. Imagine a company with these resources and skills aiming its workers to target the 46 Ohio counties with Diebold electronic voting equipment for Trump. Hillary Clinton only won 7 out of 88 Ohio counties in 2016.
Diebold doesn’t sell electronic voting equipment anymore. But it’s history and connection to Moscow is still of interest given Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation of how Russian agents rigged our nation’s elections. LaRose should want to know if Russian President Vladmir Putin let O’Dell and Diebold avoid prosecution in his nation in exchange for access to election rigging information about its electronic voting equipment.
The SEC investigation Dettelbach led does not appear to consider that if O’Dell was bribing Russian government officials and lying to the U.S. government he might also give Putin’s “U.S. elections rigging” agents access to electronic voting equipment blueprints.
Diebold’s board opted to publicly remove O’Dell as chairman and replace him with John Swidarski in 2005 as the corporation faced a shareholders claim over his $127 million lie about its earnings. By then Diebold’s electronic voting equipment was being used by elections boards in half of Ohio’s counties and others across the nation.
On his way out the door O’Dell was battling allegations that the corporation’s electronic voting software and hardware could easily be exploited to rig elections. His promise to deliver Ohio for Bush the year earlier fueled even more suspicions about the security of Diebold voting machines. An episode of “Scandal” included a reference to Alliance, Ohio’s votes being shaved by Diebold equipment to deliver the election to President Fitzgerald Grant played by actor Tony Goldwyn.
English-language Russian media doesn’t appear to reveal if Diebold was investigated by Russian law enforcement agents for the international bribery. But bribery is publicly an issue in Russia and Federal Law 273-fz is its anti-corruption statute. It reads under Article 4 as follows:
“Article 4. International cooperation of the Russian Federation in the field of anti-corruption – 1. The Russian Federation according to international treaties of the Russian Federation and (or) on the basis of the principle of reciprocity cooperates in the field of anti-corruption with foreign states, their law enforcement agencies and special services, and also with the international organizations for the purpose of: 1) establishments of persons, suspected (persons accused) in making of corruption crimes, their locations, and also the location of other persons involved in corruption crimes; 2) the identification of the property received as a result of making of corruption offenses or serving as means of their making; 3) provisions in proper cases of objects or samples of substances for carrying out researches or judicial examinations …”
Diebold registered under FARA when the corporation received a military contract from France in 1964. The registration ended in 1967.
Diebold (now Diebold Nixdorf) doesn’t hide its foreign government contracts. The U.S. Department of Justice in Northern Ohio under Dettelbach didn’t go far enough when his SEC investigations had Diebold executives by the FARA balls.
The main picture features the building that houses Diebold and the Russian government’s officials and vendors. There are high tech companies in the building that manufacture optical scan technologies. Nanotechnologies as well. There’s also a manufacturer of latex fetish wear. Zlatexa. The company features a contortionist on its website.
This is the Diebold environment in Moscow where its officials and Russian government officials and agents can inter-mingle and share secrets and plans within walking and dining distance of each other where and when no one here knows. Diebold hires Russians who just happen to work for a corporation headquartered in Canton, Ohio. Diebold and every other American corporation with a Russian workforce employs individuals whose loyalties are not to the USA.
In that “Russian-to-Russian” environment Diebold employees freely mingle with the Russian Federation workers who attended state schools and universities with them. Its done over coffee at the Moscow Starbucks or inside 12 Bldg 1 Str Dvintsev at the “Prime Star Restaurant.”
Diebold’s Moscow office was in plain sight of Dettelbach’s SEC investigators when the crooked Canton corporation first started selling electronic voting equipment in Ohio and elsewhere. No one in any county looked to learn about the SEC investigation. Federal SEC investigators didn’t alert county election officials about the potential security risk of purchasing Diebold electronic voting equipment that could have been exposed to agents in Moscow.
O’Dell, Lauer and the other Diebold chairmen and the corporation’s executives donate lavishly to Republicans. Federal SEC investigators did not have the insight then to think O’Dell or the guy who replaced him as chairman, Swidarski, might be running a corporation that’s the unregistered foreign agent of not-too-friendly-to-the-USA governments who might have been planning all along to steal a U.S. presidential election, seats in the U.S. Senate and in Congress.
Attorney Robert Mueller is trying to sort out how far Russian agents have infiltrated U.S. elections and the presidency. But his investigation won’t be helped in Northeast Ohio by a federal prosecutor, Justin Herdman, who Trump appointed as a former Jones Day partner to serve as U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Ohio.
Herdman’s former law firm represents Trump, the Kremlin and Putin’s oil firms as well as Diebold and Timken. All are or have been unregistered foreign agents of the Russian government’s interests. All are donating big money to American political campaigns that comes in part from their contracts and earnings with the Russian government.
The Ohio GOP’s chairwoman, Jane Timken, is married to the Timken CEO who also does business out of Moscow. Timken and Diebold share a board member.
LaRose should consider a return to paper ballots in Ohio. Diebold is too “infiltrated” a corporation to think there’s any security to its electronic voting technologies while it operates as an unregistered agent of the Russian government in Moscow in violation of FARA.